Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα The Politicians. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων
Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα The Politicians. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων

Παρασκευή 16 Σεπτεμβρίου 2022

Immanouil Benakis

 

 

Emmanouil  Benakis                                ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ  ΜΠΕΝΑΚΗΣ

 Born 1843 in Syros.                                Died June 20, 1929 in Kifisia.

 

Emmanouil  Benakis: the Egyptiotis who thrived when Cotton was King

 


Plaza, Number 64

Greek people have lived in Egypt since the ancient era, but their numbers and circumstances have varied over time. The period between the 1860s to 1952 would see the Greeks population in Egypt swell to 100,000, first under the umbrella of Muhammad Ali, an Albanian who owed nominal allegiance to the Ottoman Sultan and later under the aegis of the British who were willing to take whatever steps necessary (including bombardment in 1882) to protect Egyptian cotton, vital for their mills in Liverpool and Manchester. (1) Under these conditions a Greek merchant culture thrived, especially in Alexandria, only to virtually disappear in the years after 1952 when Gamal Abdel Nasser ended colonial rule once and for all.

You might think that all that is left of that era would be crumbling mansions, a cemetery or two, and the lingering nostalgia of those forced to leave as their companies were nationalized and their influence in the government marginalized. But you would be wrong. Egyptian Greeks had a profound influence on their homeland. Wealthy merchant families like that of Immanouil  Benakis in Alexandria, had their feet firmly planted in Greece, - and their footprints have been immense.


 

Benakis, as elder statesman and benefactor

By the 1870s, Immanouil Benakis was well on the way to becoming one of the richest men in Egypt. He became a member of the Greek government in 1910, mayor of Athens in 1914, and one of the country’s many fabled benefactors. Today, when you enter the Benakis Museum on Vas Sophias Avenue you are entering the vestibule of a house that in the decade after 1910 was the social and political hub of Athens.

His Life.

Immanouil was born in Ermopolis Syros in 1843. His family had roots in Chios but were forced to flee after a vengeful Sultan massacred most of the inhabitants in 1822. The family moved to the aptly named Ermopolis, a significant economic centre in the Cycladic islands even before it joined the new nation in 1829. There, Immanouil’s father had a textile company which imported goods from England. Immanouil attended high school in Syros and continued his education in England.

His is not exactly a rags to riches story although his family did suffer economic setbacks. But by the time Immanouil was a young man, the expanding Greek merchant community, (many of whom were from Chios) had established an economic and social safety net big enough to encompass ambitious and clever young men.

Wealthy Greek merchants had been a feature of Ottoman society long before his era. Under the Ottoman system, merchants were privileged because their wealth generated taxes which ensured the wealth of their Ottoman overlords.  And Greeks from the Phanar district of Constantinople, the Phanariots, had become an indispensible part of the Ottoman bureaucracy as time went on. Under this system, a merchant class with some influence and capable of accumulating capital became an inherent part of the system.

 


The Phanariot quarter in 1900. The Ottomans liked to keep their foreign communities separated in enclaves

A myriad of small Greek owned ships had been handling the local trade long before the 19th century, but the Italians, French and British had controlled the big sea routes in the Mediterranean until the balance of power in Europe altered as a result of geopolitical shifts including the American civil war, the increasing power of Russia, and the French revolution. A 1774 treaty between the Porte and Russia allowed Greek owned ships to fly British or Russian flags and under very favourable economic conditions. Because of pirates, these Greek carriers could also carry cannons.  


 

The Agamemnon of famous ship owner Bouboulinas. These armed ships were easily converted to war ships at the start of  the War of Independence.

 

By the 1790s French shipping had virtually disappeared. The established Greek merchant class within the empire invested in shipping, and Greek owned (often Greek built) ships began to fill the gap left by the Europeans.

 

By 1798 one third of the ships landing in Marseilles were Greek owned, in Alexandria over 50 percent, and in Odessa over 60.

 

All this activity led to the spectacular expansion of Greek merchant houses dealing with the cargoes these ships contained. Treaties between the Ottomans and England in 1838 and 1843 ensured continuing economic successes and not ones necessarily favouring the Ottomans. Between 1839 and 1877, Constantinople saw an influx of over 100,000 European would be entrepreneurs and Smyrna became an important economic hub. By 1810 Greek commercial houses had taken over a large part of Smyrna’s trade and by 1870, the Greek population outnumbered the Turks in Smyrna.

 

Of course, not all of those taking advantage of this situation were Greek but the Greek merchant class inside the empire as well as Greeks like Immanouil Benakis who gravitated to it during this period excelled because of natural talent, social cohesion, a long time familiarity with the Ottoman regime, and that corollary of social cohesion - close family ties. Wherever Greek merchant princes prospered a thriving Greek community of doctors, lawyers, bankers, builders, and technicians grew up to support them.

Greek merchant houses branched out wherever trade was profitable: Livorno, Marseilles, London, and Egypt.  And that brings us back to Immanouil Benakis and the Greeks of Alexandria.

Cotton and Egypt

Cotton came to Egypt in 1822. It was introduced by Muhammad Ali (1769-1849) who focused on the production of cotton to raise the financial resources to modernise the Egyptian economy and realise his own imperial ambitions. He was an interesting character: a wily Albanian from Kavala who, like Ali Pasha of Ioannina, had, by 1805, managed to carve out a dynasty for himself in Egypt and coerce the Porte into accepting the arrangement. Ali gained control of the economy of the country by the simple expedient of nationalizing all of the land.


 

Ali looking like everyone’s favourite uncle

 

Greek merchants were present in Ali’s Egypt early on. Epirot Michael Tositsas  (1787-1856), in particular, had forged a close working relationship with Ali  who rewarded him with money and land for managing his holdings. It is strange to realise that Tositsas was working hard for Muhammad Ali at the same time Muhammad’s son Ibrahim was wreaking havoc in the Peloponnese during the War of Independence. Ali had been promised Crete if he was successful.

 


                               


 

 Athens has its equestrian statue of war hero Theodoros Kolokotronis and Cairo has one of Ibrahim Pasha in Opera Square. They are eerily alike and most certainly represent a very different historical perspective.


Tositsas  was not the only Greek to prosper in Egypt under Ali nor were the Greeks the only beneficiaries of Ali’s modernizing policies. But it was Greeks like Tositsas who paved the way for future entrepreneurs like Ioannis Choremis and  Immanouil Benakis. 

By 1839 Greek merchant houses controlled 38% of the Egyptian cotton trade and by 1872, more than 200 million pounds of raw cotton were being shipped to Europe.  The civil war in America made Egyptian cotton even more valuable in the 1860s when the American civil war closed off that source of raw materials.  

Benakis in Egypt

Benakis arrived in Alexandria in 1863 and had a few lean years. Apparently He and his brother, Loukas, established a small cotton trading company in 1868.

 


                                                Benakis, the young entrepreneur


He was then offered a position with the Choremis-Davis company, the largest in Egypt, to run the firm’s business in Liverpool.  In 1870 Immanouil married Virginia, Ioannis Choremis’ daughter, and arrived back in Egypt in 1876 to become an equal partner in the new firm of  Choremis- Benakis.


                                                          Virginia Choremi (1848-1928)


 

Women were traded within the Greek community with regularity and an eye to practicality that might make even royalty gasp. Fully 90 percent of Greek marriages in this era were Greek to Greek. Such marriages promised a comfortingly similar outlook and social cohesion within the community.  As in the case of Virginia Choremi, marriage was one way to bring in promising young men who would then became part of the family enterprise.

Many Greek entrepreneurs, including Benakis, hired only Greeks in their business and it is easy to understand how a nucleus of business, technical, and social interests reached critical mass by 1900. Other Greek industries such as tobacco and textiles entered the welcoming Egyptian scene and Greek owned theatres and nightclubs began catering to the Greek community.  In terms of theatre and concerts, Alexandria became part of the circuit of Greek artists from the mainland to the Greek diaspora.

Egyptian born Constantinos Cavafy, Greece’s great poet, was a child of this culture.  His father Petros had had a thriving cotton exporting business in Alexandria with branches all over Europe until it ran into financial difficulties.  But, their sons could be absorbed into the system. Work was found in other Greek businesses or with the British who were running the Egyptian civil service at the time.

 


Alexandria in the 1880s looking very European indeed

 

Wealthy Alexandrian Greeks formed their own quarter in the eastern part of the city, and hired French, English and Italian servants and nannies. Their quarter had a cosmopolitan vibe which had nothing to do with the native Egyptians whose work was generating their wealth.

In her memoires, Benakis’ daughter Penelope wrote:

We had the greatest contempt for the fellahs and regarded them almost as cattle; not only was it permitted to hit an Arab, it was almost required.

The Benakis family, moved to a mansion on the Rue Rosette in 1884 and quickly became an integral part of the city’s Greek aristocracy. Immanouil Benakis who spoke French and English well, still preferred to speak Greek and to socialize with Greeks. He believed passionately in the civilizing influence of Greek culture and the importance of education for all Greeks.  The very cohesiveness of this colonial culture engendered a sense of Greek nationalism that sometimes bordered on the extreme.

 

Penelope wrote:

Anything Greek was considered holy and sacred

It seems to be an ingrained part of the colonial mindset that people benefitting at the expense of others, could still believe that fair play and democracy should prevail in their own home country (at least to the extent that it did not harm their own class). But, to be fair, the Greeks had been exploited by the Ottomans for 400 years, so had no apparent qualms about benefitting from a system that had, in fact, been exploiting them. Still it was hard on the native Egyptians who did not manage their own revolution until 1952.

By 1902 the Greek community could boast 9 primary schools, 2 hospitals, 2 orphanages, a sports club, and their own Chamber of Commerce. Immanouil Benakis became the president of the Greek Community of Alexandria between 1901 and 1911. 

Benakis and Greece

Benakis never lost sight of his homeland. During the 1882 troubles when the British were quashing an Egyptian led rebellion, he had travelled home with his family and bought a villa outside of the capital. With the pinnacle of financial success having been reached in Egypt, a 1909 coup in Athens resulted in Cretan Eleftherios Venizelos becoming prime minister, an event that caused Benakis to consider returning to Greece to actively participate in the reforms which Venizelos had promised. He had investigated Venizelos and liked what he had learned. The two corresponded about reforms in Greece beginning in February  1910. Benakis would also have approved of Venizelos embracing the ‘great idea’ of Greek expansionism. He and his family were great supporters of the effort to add Macedonia to Greece and the effort to continue expanding the country until all ethnic Greeks were included in the nation.(2)

Benakis bought an imposing neoclassical mansion on Vasilissis Sofias Avenue opposite the royal palace, became a member Greek parliament and an advisor to Venizelos. In a flurry of reforms during that heady period (including 53 constitutional amendments) a new Ministry of National Economy was initiated by Venezelos especially for him.


                    The Benakis mansion, built in 1967 and bought by Benakis in 1910


In 1914, Benakis changed course and became mayor of Athens, a position he would hold until 1919. He remained, however, a staunch Venizelist and supported Venizelos when he set up a rival government in northern Greece against the King. Venizelos had wanted to join the Entente during the First World War and the king wanted to remain neutral.  Passions ran high and, in 1916, Benakis came very close to being lynched by a royalist mob who beat him and looted his mansion. After spending 41 days in prison, he was released.

Venizelos returned to Athens in triumph in May of 1917 and it was the turn of royalists to be exiled or imprisoned. When Venizelos lost the elections in 1920 and royalists brought back the exiled king, Benakis left for Nice and then Paris. He did not return until 1924, well after the Asia Minor catastrophe had ended Greek expansionism.

The Last Years

For the last five years of his life Immanouil Benakis continued to support Greece and his will ensured that his generosity would continue after his death. The family supported Asia Minor refugees, funded hospitals and orphanages and were instrumental in the founding of Athens College (still going strong). The Benaki Phytopathological Institute established in 1929 enabled Greek farmers to make the most of their land. It is respected worldwide and is now under the supervision of the Hellenic Ministry of Rural Development and Food.

 

The Benakis Children

Virginia and Immanouil Benakis had six children, five of whom survived childhood: Alexandra (1871-1941), Antonis (1873-1954), Penelope (1874-1941), Alexandros(1878-1922) and Argine (1883-1973). (Αλεξάνδρα Αντώνιος, Πηνελόπη, Αλέξανδρος, και Αργίνη)

Argine

Argine  led a life very similar to her mother’s in that she married Michael Salvagos, a wealthy Greek Alexandrian whose family also hailed from Chios and became the so called  ‘uncrowned queen’ of the Alexandrian aristocracy until the era ended.  Her palace in Alexandria was so grand that, when the Greek king in exile visited during the Second World War, he was so dazzled by its sumptuousness he wrote that, after seeing it, he would hesitate to entertain her in his own Palace.  Argine collected Egyptian and Arabic art and some of her vast collection can be seen in the Benaki Islamic Museum at Ag. Asomaton 22 and Dipilou  streets near  Kerameikos, the ancient cemetery of Athens. She died in Alexandria in 1973 at the age of 90.

                                            Argine ‘at home’, very much the grand dame.

Antonis

Antonis Benakis fought for Greece during the war with the Ottomans in 1897 and in the Balkan wars. Because of his father’s wealth he lived an advantaged and cosmopolitan life. As an avid antiquarian and collector, he donated the family home for the now famous Benakis Museum which opened to the public in 1931 and contains many of the family treasures. When he died in 1954, the museum could boast over 26,000 artifacts and over 10,000 books and manuscripts. Its library is open to the public and well worth a visit if research is on your mind.

 


Antonis Benakis

Penelope

Penelope was the third child, imaginative, highly sensitive, and not at all suited emotionally for a life like her mother’s. Nonetheless, she reluctantly did the ‘right thing’ at the age of 21 and married Stephanos Delta, a man who seems to have been more suited to her parents than to her. Almost immediately she produced three daughters and seemed destined to lead a life like her two sisters until she met Ion Dragoumis, a diplomat at the Greek consulate in Alexandria and fell in love.

 

                                                     Penelope and Dragoumis

 The family interfered (then again, perhaps her own sense of what was required of a Benakis daughter was a big factor) and the relationship ended at great psychological cost. As she later wrote: My happiness did not last long, goodbye my Paradise, goodbye sweet dreams that flew away like cigarette smoke blown by the wind. Penelope spent some time in an Austrian sanitarium in 1908 trying to adjust to life without Dragoumis. Apparently she met with him for three short days before she returned to her husband, a man whom she clearly respected and honoured but did not love in the way she had loved Dragoumis.

When Dragoumis was shot and killed in 1920, she wore black for the rest of her life and became the keeper of his writings.  She herself was a wonderful writer of well researched children’s books which both entertained and educated young children about their country. All her life she took a lively interest in Greek politics, education, and culture.


 

Penelope Delta

Penelope was diagnosed with multiple sclerosis in 1925, a disease which caused a slow deterioration of her health. Nonetheless, she continued writing until in 1941 when, on the day the Germans invaded, she took poison and died a few days later. At her own written request, she was buried in the garden of her villa and the single word on her tombstone is silence. (3)

 


Stephanos Delta and two of his daughter’s at Penelope’s grave

Her life with all its contradictions, still fascinates. Penelope Delta is considered one of Greece’s most popular writers. In 1930 she was honoured by the Athens Academy. Her daughter Alexandria Papadopoulou donated her home to the Benaki museum in 1977 and it now houses the Benakis museum’s archives.

The Benakis Family Grave


 

Plaza, Number 64

Perhaps those palms are a nod to Alexandria

The Map

 


Footnotes

(1)  The British invaded Egypt to put down a nationalist revolution in 1882 in order to protect their financial interests. They restored the Muhammid Ali dynasty but were really establishing a kind of veiled protectorate  which became an actual one in 1914 when they chose another biddable member of the ruling family to rule. At the same time, they took over  the political structure and the economy until the revolution of 1952.

(2)  Ironically, the Smyrna catastrophe which resulted in the population exchange between Turkey and Greece after 1922 did mean that most ethnic Greeks had become citizens of Greece, but in a smaller territory. This caused Greeks and their benefactors to look inward and turn their efforts towards making what they did have a better place. Benakis and his family became part of this effort.

(3)  Penelope’s story is a poignant one because of her intelligence and her divided loyalties. She did not fit the mould of Alexandrian aristocracy and paid the price. It may have been this very issue that prompted her to write books that are still delighting generations of young Greeks.

Some Sources:

A Presence without a Narrative: The Greeks in Egypt, 1961-1976 Une présence sans récit : la communauté grecque en Égypte, 1961-1976. Eftychia Mylona

http://www.andro.gr/empneusi/to-paradeigma-tou-antwni-mpenaki/:

Greek Dominance in the Levantine Boom from A Brief History of Commercial Capitalism by Jairius Banaji

 

 

Σάββατο 23 Μαρτίου 2019

Archbishop Damaskinos




Archbishop Damaskinos             ΑΡΧΙΕΠΙΣΚΟΠΟΣ ΔΑΜΑΣΚΙΝΟΣ
  Born 1891                                      Died 1949

The archbishopric of Athens is the senior see in Greece and the seat of the leader of the Independent Orthodox Church of Greece. As head of the Church of Greece the holder of this see is called the Archbishop of Athens and all Greece.
 

In the Plaza of the First Cemetery beside the Church


Archbishop Damaskinos held this post twice, once briefly in 1938 and then from 1941 to 1949, a period covering the German occupation and the critical period after the Germans left. 
Two occasions stand out. The first was his courageous stand against the Nazis effort to transport  Athenian Jews to the death camps in 1943. The second was his role as regent for the absent Greek king in 1945-6 when it was still unclear whether the monarchy would be restored in the war torn country. 
His heroic stand against the Nazis speaks to the character of the man. His role as regent has sparked more historical debate, particularly because some have portrayed him (and by extension the Church) as a willing pawn of Churchill and the forces of the Greek right whose main aim at the time was the exclusion of leftist EAM/ELAS from any post war position of power in Greece.


 Time Magazine, Oct 1, 1945
His Life

He was born Dimitrios  Papandreou in Dorvitsa in the area of Naupaktos. An influential uncle helped him to study, first in Karditsa and then at the University of Athens where he received honors in Theology and Law. Like most young men of his age, he saw action during the Balkan wars of 1912-13, but then chose a career in the Church. He was ordained a deacon in 1917 and became the managing secretary of the Archdiocese of Athens. It was obvious from the get go that Dimitrios had superior talents.

Mediating on Athos and Metropolitan Bishop of Corinth

When he was ordained a priest in 1918, he gained the title “Archimandrite” (1) and was assigned to the Petraki and Pendeli monasteries. He was subsequently sent to Mount Athos to mediate an ongoing struggle among the Greek, Serbian, and Bulgarian monks. This was the first but not the last time his talents as a mediator would be called upon.
 
At the youngest possible age for the position, his name was proposed as Metropolitan Bishop of Corinth in 1922 by Greek war hero cum dictator Nikolaos Plastiras. (2) There was a small hitch because his birth date was 1891 and to be eligible he had to have been born a year earlier - in 1890. The Church duly sent a committee to Dorvitsa to ‘investigate´ and, as luck would have it, it was discovered ´that he had in fact’ been born a year earlier! This small example of Orthodox  ‘economia´ is one of the things that make Orthodoxy appealing!(3)

Damaskinos was Corinth’s religious leader when the terrible earthquake of 1928 occurred. The city was devastated. He decided to lead a committee going to various cities in America to solicit aide from the Greek American communities there. Again, his talents as a mediator were called upon, this time by the Ecumenical Patriarch in Constantinople. He asked Dimitrios to represent him in America as Patriarchal Exarch. Greeks in America were as politically divided as were Greeks in the home country after the national schism, the horrible events of World War One, the Smyrna debacle (which had precipitated the population exchanges of 1923), and the subsequent expulsion of the king. There were two entrenched camps –royalists and the republican minded Venizelists. Since both sides were Orthodox, the Church was in a difficult position. It didn’t help that, for historical reasons going back to Byzantine times when the Emperor and the Patriarch were considered two sides of the same coin, the Church had always tended to support the monarchy. This made the institution suspect to republican Venizelists. That he could mediate between these factions speaks volumes about his abilities.

Back in Greece, he was elected Archbishop of Athens and all Greece in 1938. But, as has happened so often, the state intervened. Ioannis Metaxas, the dictator at the time, did not trust him,  had him replaced  after a month with his own candidate, and had him confined to a Monastery.
 Things might have remained this way but ‘history’ intervened.
  
The Italians invaded Greece from Albania, Metaxas died, and then the Germans successfully invaded Greece from Bulgaria in 1941. Worse, mere days after the Germans entered Greece, the king and most of his government fled, first to Crete and then on to Egypt or England where they would sit out the war as the government in exile. It was more or less up to the leftist elements still in the country to provide the major man power for the resistance. True, a small group of right wing fighters remained as well, but it became increasingly clear to the British and to the Greek government in exile that as long as Germany reigned in Greece, the leftists under the banner of EAM/ELAS would provide the main resistance. (EAM or the National Liberation Front became the main resistance movement. ELAS or the Greek People’s Liberation Army, was EAM’s military wing)

Where was the Church in all this?  It was caught firmly in the middle. Because most of the clergy remained inside Greece during the occupation and because even the communists in EAM/ELAS, not to mention the many non-communists who joined their ranks, looked to the church for leadership. The influence of the Church in Greece during these terrible years was significant, especially so because the pre-war leadership of Greece was not present. (No one took the successive quisling governments seriously.) The Church’s influence grew rather than diminished during these years.
 
Damaskinos is Reinstated

When Metaxas’ choice for archbishop refused to swear in the new quisling government in 1941, Damaskinos was reinstated as Archbishop once more. The previous archbishop had feared being called a collaborator if he had any dealings with the puppet government. Damaskinos, however,  had a higher purpose which was expressed by his friend Konstantinos Tsatsos, -  that as a mediator  he could turn the office of the Archbishop "into the central agency of survival and resistance".


The Transportation of Athenian Jews

From the beginning, he fought bravely for the welfare of the Greek people under the occupation. Even with Germans present, he delivered a stirring patriotic oration to the crowd at the funeral of Costis Palamas in February of 1943, a speech that was a source of hope and strength to many during those dark days. Damaskinos again showed his true mettle in March 1943 when the Nazis set out to gather and then send Athenian Jews to the death camps as they had already been doing with such ruthless efficiency in Thessaloniki.(4)
The ‘Registration’ of Jews in Thessaloniki in 1942
 


The number of Jews in Athens had grown during this period because many Jews from Thessaloniki and other northern cities had fled south. Athens did not have a ghetto, so the Germans, with terrible logic, railroaded what Jewish leaders they could locate and ordered them to tally and corral the others, - insisting that all records be presented to them and Jews placed in special enclaves.

Athens’ Rabbi, Elias Barilai, immediately went to Archbishop Damaskinos seeking help and advice. First and foremost, Damaskinos counseled that any Jews who could must flee for their lives because the Church could only do so much. He suggested that the rabbi destroy all of the records of Jews in Athens and then he proceeded to do what he could do…

 Together with Athens’ police chief, Angelos Evert, he saved thousands of Greek Jews by providing more than 27,000 false identity papers (including baptism certificates.). He ordered monasteries and convents, local clergy, and Christian families to harbor Jewish fugitives. (More than 250 Jewish children were hidden by the clergy alone.)




The false Identity Card of Asir David on display at the Jewish Museum in Athens



 And he, with many other prominent citizens, composed and published an open letter to the quisling Prime Minister K. Logothetopoulos and to the German authorities.
In part it said:

The Greek Orthodox Church and the Academic World of Greek people protest against the persecution…. According to the terms of the armistice, all Greek citizens, without distinction of race or religion, were to be treated equally by the occupation Authorities….Our holy religion does not recognize superior or inferior qualities based on race or religion, as it is stated: There is neither Jew nor Greek … and thus condemns any attempt to discriminate or create racial or religious differences. Our common fate both in days of glory and in periods of national misfortune forged inseparable bonds between all Greek citizens, without exemption, irrespective of race...

This eloquent plea, made more eloquent (according to several historians) by the fact Greek poet Angelos Sikelianos had  a hand in its composition, would go down in history as one of the archbishop’s finest moments. It was a heroic stand, made more so because 28 leaders of organizations in Athens including lawyers, notaries, and doctors signed the document. (See footnote (5) for the entire list). It was a resounding repudiation of the Nazi dogma by people who knew they were putting themselves in harm’s way by signing it.
When the German in charge of transporting the Jews threatened to shoot him if he published the letter, Damaskinos responded:

According to the traditions of the Greek Orthodox Church, our prelates are hanged, not shot. Please respect our traditions.(6)

Not all of the Jews were saved, but thousands were. Of the estimated 60 to 70,000 Greek Jews who perished during the Second World War, 10,000 were saved, many of those because of the steadfast resistance of men like Damaskinos.  

According to historians, he was the only prelate in Europe who published an open letter during the German occupation unequivocally denouncing the ´final solution’.
In 1971, Damaskinos, among other churchmen, would be posthumously named Righteous Among the Nations by Yad Vashem.

The ‘Dekemvriana´ of December 1944 That Led to The Regency

In a good film, there would have been a satisfying ‘fade out’ and ending after his heroic stand against the Nazis. But history is never neat and there was one more important role for Archbishop Damaskinos to play. It involved the Greek king, George II. It is a complicated story:

A Little Background
In 1943, the British and the Greek government in exile were already turning their attention to what would happen in Greece when the Germans retreated. Of course, the government in exile and the king wanted to return as soon as possible. Damaskinos’ opinion was sought. He reported that the return of the king would be actively opposed. He was not alone in this assessment.  

When the Germans did retreat in 1944, the armed freedom fighters of EAM/ELAS controlled all of the countryside outside of Athens. They had stayed while others fled; they had suffered before the war under the Metaxas dictatorship, and they were demanding assurances of change and a chance to participate in any post war government.

On the other hand, the British and the Greek government in exile were convinced that EAM/ELAS were poised to take over the country and create a communist regime. Mistrust was the order of the day.

 In spite of this, Damaskinos’ opinions and stands were respected. During the occupation, he had been careful to avoid ever publically repudiating EAM/ELAS.

The EAM/ELAS leadership never did speak with one voice and certainly most of their members were not committed communist by any means. There was a brief period in 1944 when it even seemed possible that the returning ‘government in exile’ under Papandreou would reach a lasting power sharing compromise with EAM/ELAS.   But, unknown to the EAM/ELAS rank and file, staunch royalist Churchill had already placed his Greek chess piece in the post-war western camp. And Stalin had agreed.



Where the real power lay…

The Germans evacuated Athens on Dec 12, 1944.  A small contingent of British troops arrived six days later on the 18th. The Greek government in exile returned as well, albeit without the king.

Talks with EAM/ELAS, and the government were ongoing regarding the composition of a post war Greek army. EAM/ELAS were still armed and so were the so called Security Battalions formed during the German occupation by the quisling government of George Rallis. These battalions had attracted pro-royalists and former supporters of the Metaxas regime and, since their formation, had supported the German occupation as well.  The ‘plan’ was that all sides would disarm and a ‘new’ Greek army would then emerge.

 But,

 The British and the government then insisted that EAM/ELAS disarm while allowing the Security Battalions to remain armed.  EAM/ELAS considered this a betrayal and organized a protest in Syntagma Square on December 3rd 1944.  Many unarmed protestors were killed by the Greek police, who apparently panicked.  A series of horrible and bloody battles and reprisals continued over the next month leaving many dead on both sides (the so called Decemvriana). These events sowed even more mistrust and hatred.

The ‘Regency’ Solution

Churchill realized that bringing the king back under these conditions would precipitate a battle he might not be able to win. So, a royal presence in the form of a regent was proposed on December 10th and  Archbishop Damaskinos’ name was put forward. Churchill’s reaction is interesting. He asked if he were a man of God or a scheming prelate more interested in temporal power than the life hereafter.  The answer was “scheming prelate” (in the opinion of the British aide who answered the question). Ironically, that ‘seat of the pants’ assessment suited Churchill down to the ground. He needed a man of Damaskinos’ stature as regent; that was all he cared about.


Churchill and Archbishop Damaskinos

Churchill then strong-armed a reluctant King George II into agreeing that a  regency was the only way forward.

 And so Archbishop Damaskinos became regent in January 1945. He even took on the role of Prime Minister briefly during this chaotic period.  His mediating abilities were absolutely necessary. He fulfilled his role as regent with dignity under difficult circumstances. The king returned after a plebliscite in September 1946 that many still believe was rigged and Damaskinos stepped down as regent.

Should Damaskinos Have Accepted the Regency?

The question has sometimes been raised as to whether the Church and the Archbishop were working hand in hand with right wing forces all along.  I doubt if the answer is that simple; so little in Greek history ever is.

Pantelymon Anastasakis gave the best answer when he described the clergy’s position during those turbulent years with these words:

The clergy fought for the preservation of Greek Sovereignty and culture as they understood these concepts. (7)

Ultimately, tensions were not resolved.  More civil war followed, communism was outlawed, and communists or suspected communists were exiled until a reconciliation of sorts was forged by Andreas Papandreou in the 1980s.
 Damaskinos remained Archbishop of Athens and all Greece until his death in 1949.

Today
An impressive three and one half meter bronze statue of Archbishop Damaskinos by sculptor Fanis Sakellariou was erected in 1991 in front of the Metropolitan Church of Athens. Holding his staff aloft, his hands raised in blessing, Damaskinos faces the cathedral’s entrance.



One admirer has called it “an Olympic statue of a Christian Jupiter”

The Grave



Archbishops’ graves can be found at the entrance in the Plaza


Footnotes

1.     This particular name is only given to those priests who have taken vows of celibacy.

2.     Nikolaos Plastiras was military ruler of Greece at the time of Damaskinos’ appointment. Of course the Synod would have elected him but it would  not be the first or last time that a Greek politician would have a hand in the election of churchmen!

3.      Put most simply, the term, "economia" is a deviation from the exactness of the usual rule. – for the greater good.

4.     See  Mark Mazower’s  Salonika City of Ghosts, pp 7-8

5.      The Impressive list of Signees:

President of the Academy of Athens, Rector of the University of Athens, Rector of the Polytechnical School of Athens, Rector of the High School of Economic Studies, President of the Medical Association of Attica, President of the Roll of Barristers of Attica, President of the Union of Notaries of Athens and Aegean, President of the Journalists Union, President of the Association of Greek Authors, President of the Culture Association, President of the Piraeus Chamber of Commerce, President of the Athens Professional Chamber, President of the Greek Association of Chemists, President of the Athens Association of Pharmacists, President of the Dentists Association, President of the Athens Craftsman Chamber, President of the Piraeus Association of Pharmacists, President of the Greeks Actors, President of the Greek Association of Pharmacists, President of the Medical Association of Piraeus, President of the Athens Association of Commercants, President of the Athens Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Vice-President of the Greek Union of Theatrical and Musical Critics, President of the Medical Association of Callithea, Secretary General of the Panhellenic Association of Dentists, President of the Greek Industrialists Union, General Director of the Refugees Organization, General Director of Social Health Organization.

6.     This was an ironic reference to the hanging of the Patriarch in Constantinople at the beginning of the War of Independence.

7.     From the Church of Greece Under Axis Occupation by Pantelymon Anastasakis. P.231


Sources

1.    State, Nationalism, and the Jewish Communities of Modern Greece by Evdoxios Doxiadis

2. Red Acropolis, Black Terror: The Greek Civil War and the Origins of Soviet-American Rivalry, 1943-1949 by Andre Gerolymatos